Political party manifestos

Volume 3 | Issue = 1

Spring = 2008

Political Parties and Minority Ethnic Communities in = Northern=20 Ireland: Election Manifestos 1994-2007

Aidan McGarry[1], = Paul=20 Hainsworth[2] = and Chris=20 Gilligan[3] =

1 = University of Ulster (a.mcgarry@ulster.ac.uk)=

2 University of Ulster (pa.hainsworth@ulster.ac.uk= )

3 University of Aston = (c.gilligan@aston.ac.uk)

____________________________________________________________________= _______________________________________________________

Abstract

This article=20 examines how political parties in Northern Ireland have attempted to = address and=20 engage with minority ethnic communities through election manifestos. It = assesses=20 each of the main political parties in Northern Ireland in turn by = focusing on=20 the language employed in election manifestos from 1994-2007. = Specifically, it=20 highlights instances when language such as equality, immigration, racism = and=20 culture is discussed in relation to minority ethnic communities. The = article=20 acknowledges that there may exist a difference between =91saying and = doing=92 and=20 also that the increase in attention directed at minority ethnic = communities=20 could be interpreted as political parties chasing votes. However, it is = equally=20 true that, by raising issues such as racism, political parties are = contributing=20 to much-needed integration efforts in Northern Ireland society. By = stating their=20 commitments to minority ethnic communities, political parties are making = de=20 facto promises, meaning that the language carries with it tacit=20 understandings to realise certain goals.

Key Words: = manifesto,=20 election, political party, ethnic, minority, Northern Ireland

____________________________________________________________= ____________

Introduction[4]

In = recent years=20 in Northern Ireland, issues of concern to minority ethnic communities = have=20 become more salient. Over the past decade, this development has been = reflected=20 in the increase in reports, studies and other output on minority ethnic=20 communities and on issues such as racism, equality, migration and=20 interculturalism. Coming to terms with racism, in a context where it has = been=20 largely ignored and denied, is central here. Of course, racism takes = many forms=20 including overt and explicit racism which results in harassment and = violence.=20 The aim of this article is not to examine this broad arena, but rather = to focus=20 on an examination of election manifestos in order to illustrate and = assess how=20 political parties in Northern Ireland have engaged with and addressed = the above=20 and related matters through these key documents.

By = way of=20 introduction and contextualisation here, it will be instructive to = recall some=20 of the significant findings and thrust of recent analyses. For instance, = in a=20 report commissioned by the Northern Ireland Council for Ethnic = Minorities=20 (NICEM), McVeigh (2006) - drawing upon interviews with 162 victims of = racist=20 violence and intimidation - points to institutional racism and lack of = progress=20 on race issues within the criminal justice system (see also McGill and = Oliver=20 2002 on institutional racism). Also, in part building on earlier work = (Jarman=20 2002), Jarman and Monaghan provide an analysis of incidents of racist = harassment=20 in Northern Ireland in the period 1996-2001 (2003). These authors point = to a=20 growing number of reported incidents over this period. This is despite = the=20 tendency of victims to under-report, due to factors such as lack of = confidence=20 in reaching successful outcomes, fear of backlash and a tendency to = accept abuse=20 as a fact of life. They conclude that: =93Racist harassment is a fact of = life for=20 many members of minority ethnic communities in Northern Ireland=94 = (Jarman and=20 Monaghan 2003: 6). Also, Connolly and Keenan highlight the = tendency to=20 deny the existence of racism in Northern Ireland: =93It has become a = hidden truth,=20 painfully obvious to many minority ethnic people living in the region = yet=20 largely ignored and/or denied in the wider population=94 (2001: 11). = The=20 same authors contend that young males/men are the main perpetrators of = racist=20 aggression and thus need to increase their racial awareness and be = encouraged to=20 understand and respect cultural diversity and difference. Also, research = of late=20 has tended to focus on hyperbolic statements such as declaring Belfast = or=20 Northern Ireland to be the =91race hate capital in Europe=92 (BBC News = Online 2004;=20 Borooah and Mangan 2006; see also Lentin and McVeigh 2006; McVeigh and = Rolston=20 2007).

The situation of=20 migrant workers has been addressed increasingly too. Bell, Jarman, and = Lefebvre,=20 for example, set out to understand the needs and experiences of migrant = workers,=20 in order to provide baseline information for policy makers and statutory = bodies=20 in Northern Ireland (2004). An overall picture is presented of a growing = body of=20 employees who make a positive and necessary contribution to Northern = Ireland,=20 but who face problems such as racism, harassment, adverse working = conditions and=20 difficulties with recruitment agencies. In order to meet growing demand = and=20 needs, organisations such as NICEM, the Multi-Cultural Resource Centre=20 (Belfast), the Anti-Racist Network (ARN), the Irish Congress of Trades = Unions=20 (ICTU) and Animate (Dungannon) have focused upon providing support, = including=20 welcome and information packs, to migrant workers. Indeed, information = on=20 accessing public services has been a longstanding concern of minority = ethnic=20 communities. Thus Mann-Kler=92s =91Out of the Shadows=92 report on = racism and=20 exclusion in Northern Ireland gathers together much evidence of = institutional=20 racism and neglect, including restricted access to health and social = services,=20 accommodation problems for Travellers and a lack of mainstreaming of = minority=20 ethnic needs in the public sector (1997). More recently, Watt and = McGaughey=92s=20 project report focuses on government services=92 delivery to minority = ethnic=20 communities in Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and Scotland = (2006).=20 Part of the background context here is the recent formulation of racial = equality=20 strategies in the various jurisdictions. These strategies can be seen as = responses by the state to try to come to terms with racism and an = increasingly=20 diverse society.

In = 2005, the=20 Northern Ireland Life and Times survey incorporated material on = attitudes=20 towards minority ethnic communities, including questions on racial = prejudice.=20 Respondents who supported Unionist parties (DUP 46%; UUP 31%) were more = likely=20 to say that they were prejudiced than were those who supported = Nationalist=20 parties (Sinn F=E9in 21%; SDLP 21%), the Alliance Party (19%) or those = who claimed=20 not to support any party (21%) (Gilligan and Lloyd 2006: 1-2; NILTS = 2005).=20 Across the border too, research has focused upon how political parties = in=20 Ireland have dealt with issues such as integration and immigration = (Fanning=20 et al 2007). The research identifies examples of good practice = such as=20 party literature translated into different languages (Fine Gael) or in = the=20 process of being translated (Fianna F=E1il); outreach to minority ethnic = and=20 immigrant groups (Sinn F=E9in); and a party forum for new immigrant = members=20 (Labour). Overall though, the research reported =93low commitment = amongst Irish=20 political parties to reaching out to immigrant communities=94 (Fanning = et=20 al 2007: 1) and little progress in attracting party members from = herein.=20 Again, research has been conducted on the theme of politicians and = community=20 relations in Northern Ireland. Notably, Foley and Robinson, on the basis = of=20 questionnaire returns, concluded that =93our survey indicates that many = elected=20 representatives themselves recognise that politicians are not doing = enough to=20 support the development of better community relations=94 (2004: 72). = However,=20 arguably, less is known or documented about elected representatives and=20 political parties in Northern Ireland and their respective attitudes = towards,=20 and policies on, minority ethnic communities. There remains a gap in the = knowledge and literature in terms of understanding how elected = representatives=20 and political parties address the needs and interests of minority ethnic = communities in Northern Ireland.

This article=20 addresses the above arena, drawing specifically upon an analysis of = recent=20 electoral manifestos (1994-2007) in order to shed some light on = political=20 parties in Northern Ireland and how they interact with minority ethnic=20 communities. It examines the manifestos of the following political = parties: the=20 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP); Sinn F=E9in (SF); the Ulster Unionist = Party=20 (UUP); the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP); the Alliance Party = (ALL),=20 and the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP). Of course, a manifesto is = one=20 means by which a political party engages with voters and society. There = are=20 others too, such as political surgeries, newsletters, conferences, = policy=20 briefings, campaigning, meetings, media outlets and so on =96 and = systematic=20 research work needs to be done here. Nonetheless, a manifesto is an = important,=20 primary document that contains commitments and promises. If political = parties do=20 not adhere to these, they are accountable to the voters who can recall = the=20 manifestos to highlight party shortcomings. A manifesto is more than = just words=20 on a page. It carries with it a tacit understanding that political = parties will=20 endeavour to honour the promises made in this electoral platform. If a = party=20 consistently fails to meet its promises then voters will consider the = party=20 untrustworthy. A manifesto gives voice to the political party in a = concise and=20 targeted manner and we understand that there is substance behind the = words, and=20 that ideally it is more than just tokenism. By making pronouncements in = a=20 manifesto, a political party is de facto committing to realising=20 them.

The 1994=20 elections are significant in that they mark the date of the Irish = Republican=20 Army (IRA) cease-fire and, thereafter, a certain opening up and = unfreezing of=20 socio-political issues has been in evidence. Issues, such as minority = ethnic=20 concerns, would be discussed and taken on board more and more so in the=20 post-1994 setting. The period also coincided with the build up to and=20 introduction of the 1997 Race Relations (Northern Ireland) Order, a = significant=20 and overdue landmark development, and the signing of the Good Friday (or = Belfast) Agreement. The 1994-2007 elections are broad in scope and thus = reflect=20 a diverse range of issues including local, national and European = concerns. The=20 accompanying manifesto documents become increasingly voluminous during = this=20 period, reflecting a move towards devolved powers and localised = administration=20 over public goods and services. The manifestos are analysed = chronologically=20 below in order to demonstrate how the emphases on minority ethnic = communities=92=20 concerns were relatively minimal initially, but acquired increasing = prominence=20 subsequently, reflecting the growing importance and salience of these = matters in=20 Northern Ireland society. The evolution of the language employed by each = political party is important to note, too, in order to gauge how the = relevant=20 issues have developed. Furthermore, the manifestos have been organised=20 systematically below in order to reveal the extent to which each = political party=20 has addressed minority ethnic communities and this allows for fruitful=20 comparison across the parties. As becomes clear, some political parties = give=20 comparatively more attention to minority ethnic communities, and to = matters of=20 racism, equality, cultural diversity and the rights of migrant workers. = All=20 relevant discourse from the manifestos has been included to provide an = overview=20 of how political parties are addressing the interests of minority ethnic = communities.

Table One below=20 notes each political party election manifesto from 1994-2007. Each = =91X=92 signifies=20 a manifesto, whereas the absence of an =91X=92 means that no manifesto = was produced=20 here. It should also be noted that political parties often combine local = government/district council manifestos with general/Westminster election = manifestos. The only party to have produced a manifesto tailored for = each=20 election in this period was Sinn F=E9in.

Table = One: Political=20 party election manifestos in Northern Ireland 1994-2007*

UUP

DUP

SDLP

ALL

PUP

European

1994

Forum

1996

Westminster

1997

Local = Government1997

Assembly

1998

European

1999

Westminster

2001

Local = Government

2001

Assembly

2003

European

2004

Westminster

2005

Local = Government

2005

Assembly

2007

*=20 The shaded cells denotes a manifesto which refers to minority ethnic = communities=20 either directly (by citing the community by name) or indirectly (for = example, by=20 addressing racism, immigration, or other related issues).

The=20 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP)

The DUP=92s 1994=20 European election manifesto refers to Article 8A of the Maastricht = Treaty, which=20 relates to the freedom of movement of persons throughout the European = Union=20 (EU), and warns that =93the United Kingdom could be forced to take in = people whom=20 it does not want=94 (DUP 1994: 5). Immigration is presented, in this = instance, as=20 a burden on the state that the UK cannot resist due to the erosion of=20 sovereignty at the EU level. This manifesto contains sections on the = disabled=20 and on women which deploy the language of equality (DUP 1994: 16-17), = but it=20 does not refer to minority ethnic communities in the context of = equality. The=20 party=92s 1996 Forum and 1997 general election manifestos make no = reference to=20 minority ethnic communities. The 1997 local government manifesto refers = to the=20 most vulnerable sections of our community and specifically mentions = =93our=20 children, our sick, our disabled, our jobless and our young people=94 = (DUP, 1997a:=20 2), but minority ethnic communities are notable for their absence from = this=20 list. Again, the manifestos for the 1998 Assembly elections and the 1999 = European elections make no reference to minority ethnic = communities.

Human rights and=20 equality are acknowledged by the DUP in manifesto format for the first = time in a=20 section, entitled =91Human Rights and Equality - for Unionists as = well!=92(DUP 2001:=20 8). This section aims to shed light on how human rights and equality = have=20 favoured republicanism. The section closes by outlining the DUP=92s = explicit=20 support for policies affecting minority ethnic communities: =93we = believe in real=20 and meaningful equality for women and ethnic minorities. We hold that = this=20 principle should be built into mainstream government priorities and not=20 relegated to token programmes or projects. In this way the problem of=20 discrimination can be effectively and resolutely tackled=94 (DUP 2001: = 8). The DUP=20 supports the promotion of Ulster Scots language, history and culture, = but no=20 reference is made to the culture of minority ethnic communities (DUP = 2001: 15).=20 The language of equality is used repeatedly in the 2003 Assembly = manifesto, in=20 the context of funding (DUP 2003: 4) and equality of opportunity for = unionists=20 as well as nationalists (DUP 2003: 13). However, the economic burden of = equality=20 proofing is noted: =93in Northern Ireland we have the most extensive = consultation=20 and equality proofing process in the world. As a result resources are = wasted and=20 crucial time and money is lost=94 (DUP 2003: 22). The manifesto calls = here for a=20 more streamlined approach to equality and one that is not encumbered by=20 bureaucracy. The DUP supports tougher sentences on hate crimes (DUP, = 2003: 24)=20 and notes that a positive human rights agenda is protected and the role = of the=20 legislature is respected (DUP 2003: 29). Echoing its statement on = equality=20 proofing, the party contends that the human rights agenda pursued under = the=20 Belfast Agreement has proved to be =93financially very costly=94 (DUP = 2003: 29). No=20 specific mention is made of minority ethnic communities in the context = of human=20 rights.

The 2004=20 European election manifesto contains a section entitled =91Facing = Enlargement=92 and=20 notes that the new entrants to the EU are mainly Eastern European = countries,=20 many of which are =93economically impoverished=94 (DUP 2004: 22). This = section=20 suggests that =93in consequence of the free movement of labour afforded = to Member=20 States it is likely that there will be an increase in economic migrants = moving=20 across Europe from East to West in search of higher paid jobs and = benefits=94=20 (ibid). The DUP=92s Euro-candidate, Jim Allister, supports effective = measures =93to=20 ensure that we do not suffer the effects of =91benefits tourists=92 who = would seek=20 to abuse the social security and healthcare systems on offer in Northern = Ireland=94 (DUP 2004: 22). The reference to =91benefits tourists=92 is = conjecture and=20 has turned out to be somewhat contestable.[5] This speculation would appear = to be=20 scaremongering, playing on society=92s fears, and the language utilised = could=20 provoke overly hostile reactions towards migrants and to minority ethnic = communities. However, one year later, a complete change in language can = be=20 detected. Most notably, a section in the party=92s 2005 manifesto is = dedicated to=20 eradicating the scourge of racism: =93we have supported legislation to = deal with=20 racially motivated attacks and believe it is important to keep = legislative=20 provisions under review. Politicians can also play a role in helping to = shape=20 attitudes in society. It is important political parties make it clear = there will=20 be a zero tolerance approach in relation to racism=94 (DUP 2005: 24). = Thus the DUP=20 spells out clearly that elected representatives have a role to play = here. The=20 section continues: =93as a Province we have benefited in many ways from = other=20 cultures and traditions. Whether it is people who have come to Northern = Ireland=20 recently, or have been here for many years, our economy and society have = benefited from their presence=94 (DUP 2005: 24). The DUP again calls for = tougher=20 sentencing for crimes motivated by hate (DUP 2005: 19). Finally, the = party=20 reiterates its commitment to tackling racism in the 2007 Assembly = election=20 manifesto =96 =93racism is a scourge on the reputation of Northern = Ireland. We=20 support a zero tolerance approach against racism=94 (DUP 2007: 58).=20

Sinn F=E9in=20 (SF)

More than any=20 other party Sinn F=E9in uses the language of equality and human rights. = Racism is=20 referred to in the 1994 European election manifesto, although it is in = the=20 context of targeted racism against the nationalist community, not = against the=20 smaller minority ethnic communities (SF 1994: 12). The 1996 Forum = manifesto=20 contends that the people of Ireland deserve a =93pluralist, democratic = socialist=20 Ireland=94 and to this end emphasises =91mutual respect=92 (SF 1996: 1). = This=20 manifesto repeatedly mentions equality and accommodating diversity in = the=20 context of the =93inclusion of deprived and marginalised communities=94 = (SF 1996:=20 8). The same discourse is employed too in the 1997 general election = manifesto,=20 which includes a section on discrimination as it applies Catholics (SF = 1997a:=20 7). This point is reiterated in the 1997 local government manifesto (SF, = 1997b:=20 1) which also incorporates sections on the disabled (SF 1997b: 8) and = women (SF=20 1997b:14), though not on minority ethnic communities. The 1998 Assembly = election=20 manifesto maintains that Sinn F=E9in=92s vision is based on =93equality, = respect for=20 difference and the protection of the weak and vulnerable=94 (SF 1998: 3) = and=20 advocates =93human rights and cultural awareness training=94 for the = Royal Ulster=20 Constabulary (SF 1998: 24). The 1999 European election manifesto begins = with a=20 foreword from SF president Gerry Adams which affirms the party=92s = commitment to=20 building an =93inclusive, just and equal society=94 and explicitly = mentions racism=20 when it calls for =93an EU wide campaign to oppose racism=94 (SF 1999:=20 1).

Under a section=20 dealing with equality in the 2001 local government election manifesto, = Sinn F=E9in=20 states that it will campaign for =93a fully resourced Department of = Equality which=20 can monitor local councils=94 (SF 2001a: 3), which clearly suggests a = commitment=20 to a specific institution to monitor and enforce equality. The 2001 = Westminster=20 election manifesto mentions discrimination, however only in the context = of=20 anti-nationalist discrimination in employment (SF 2001b: 6). Whilst it = calls for=20 policies to reverse under-representation of minority groups within = agricultural=20 bodies (SF 2001b: 10), it does not specify who or what these minority = groups=20 actually are. Under a section dealing with social development, Sinn = F=E9in also=20 calls for the =93promotion of equality of opportunity between persons of = different=20 religious beliefs, political opinions, racial groups, ages, marital = status and=20 sexual orientation=94 (SF 2001b: 16). Furthermore, a section is = dedicated to=20 Anti-Racism (which is distinct from the section on equality). This = manifesto=20 section is the most far-reaching in terms of Sinn F=E9in=92s position on = matters=20 relating to racism and minority ethnic communities. It includes the = affirmation=20 that Ireland is becoming more multicultural and states that =93the = challenge is to=20 embrace our growing diversity as a source of strength and opportunity. = To do=20 this we must begin by opposing racism, discrimination and intolerance of = any=20 kind, wherever it occurs=94 (SF 2001b: 17). The section also supports = the 2000 EU=20 Directive requiring enhancement of anti-racist provisions by 2003. It = calls on=20 =93all political parties in Ireland to sign an anti-racist pledge and = make a=20 commitment that they will not play party politics with the race issue = and that=20 they will not tolerate racism in any form in their party=94 (SF 2001b: = 17). As=20 regards asylum seekers, it advocates an amnesty for all those asylum = seekers who=20 arrived in Ireland before January 2001 (SF 2001b: 17), although it is = not clear=20 why the line is drawn after this date. Additionally, it demands an end = to the=20 voucher system for asylum seekers as well as an end to the detention of = asylum=20 seekers (SF 2001b: 17). Asylum seekers are not the only minority = community which=20 is cited here. Legislation is called for to transfer powers of = responsibility=20 for Traveller accommodation from district councils to the Northern = Ireland=20 Housing Executive without further delay (SF 2001b: 17). Sinn F=E9in also = calls for=20 legislation and adequate funding to ensure the implementation of PSI = (Promoting=20 Social Inclusion) as well as increased powers for the Equality = Commission to=20 legally challenge discrimination. It calls for measures to combat racism = in=20 Ireland through policies such as =93incitement to hatred legislation, = racial=20 discrimination; mainstreaming anti-racist awareness and resourcing = minority=20 ethnic groups and projects=94 (SF 2001b: 17). The importance of a = National Task=20 Force on Immigration and Emigration to develop a national policy and a = new=20 Immigration Act is elaborated (SF 2001b: 17). On Arts policy, too, the = party is=20 committed to ensuring =93ethnic minority participation=94 (SF 2001b: = 18).

The 2003=20 Assembly election manifesto states that equality is at the core of Sinn = F=E9in=92s=20 agenda. Moreover, a section on multiculturalism lists what the party has = instigated. Notably, it has =93brought forward major initiatives to = tackle=20 sectarianism and racism; launched an anti-racist charter and are seeking = to have=20 it introduced in councils across the country. Demanded and promoted = equality for=20 all cultural traditions=94 (SF 2003: 9). It also reiterates the detailed = provisions made in the 2001b manifesto, including a call for =93all = political=20 parties to sign an anti-racist pledge=94 (SF 2003: 14). Its proactive = and=20 considered approach can be seen in its conviction for the =93Arts = Councils to work=20 from the principles of =91interculturalism=92 and not from the negative = perceptions=20 that arise from treating policies as targeting two, or more, = communities=94, which=20 includes =93ethnic minority participation in the arts=94 (SF 2003: 67). = It=20 recognises the double discrimination that women can experience if they = are=20 members of minority ethnic communities such as Travellers (SF 2003: 73), = and=20 supports =93healthcare training for Traveller women to work within their = communities=94 (SF 2003: 72). Travellers are also mentioned in relation = to a=20 specific housing/accommodation strategy (SF 2003: 82). Under a section = entitled=20 =91An Ireland of Equals=92 Sinn F=E9in advocates equality irrespective = of=20 =93race, age, marital or family status, sexual orientation, = physical or=20 mental capacities, ethnicity, social origin, political or = religious=20 affiliations or membership of the Traveller community=94 (SF = 2003: 90=20 emphasis added). Interestingly, a distinction appears to be made between = race,=20 ethnicity, and membership of the Traveller community. It warns that = racism=20 exists in Ireland: =93a commonly articulated view is that if groups or = individuals=20 experience racism in Ireland, then it is a result if (sic) some form of=20 deficiency or lack of ability to assimilate into Irish society. This is = a=20 dangerous and erroneous attitude that must be reversed by the majority=20 population=94 (SF 2003: 90). It goes on to highlight the recent and = ongoing abuse=20 of the Muslim community (SF 2003: 90). In order to combat racism the = party=20 believes that it must be addressed at two levels: through local = communities and=20 at statutory level. This necessarily includes =93anti-racist and = inter-cultural=20 education which should be mainstreamed through the curriculum; = additional=20 English-language classes for all minority ethnic children; interpreting = and=20 translation services and materials within health and social services; = the K-NO-W=20 Racism Campaign should be extended to the Six Counties=94 (SF 2003: 90). = It=20 maintains that political parties should not tolerate any form of racism = within=20 their party (SF 2003: 90). The Executive and the Assembly departments = are called=20 to produce a policy paper addressing asylum policy and practice, and the = responsibility for asylum seekers and refugees should be devolved to the = Assembly (SF 2003: 91). Additionally, asylum seekers should receive = legal aid=20 and be entitled to work while their cases are being heard (SF 2003: 91). = The=20 manifesto states that in the provision of health and social care for = Travellers=20 all staff should be trained to meet their specific needs (SF 2003: 92). = Finally=20 here, Sinn F=E9in recognises that Traveller children might require = =93alternative=20 education programmes=94 (SF 2003: 92).

The 2004=20 European election manifesto promises that Sinn F=E9in will work for = =93an immediate=20 right to employment for all EU workers in any member state=94 (SF 2004: = 9). They=20 have an equal right to social protection (SF, 2004: 15). Also, it points = out=20 that =93EU transnational companies must respect and promote the dignity = and human=20 rights of their workforces wherever they are=94 (SF 2004: 28), and that = =93the EU=20 must ensure non-discriminatory work practices=94 (SF 2004: 35). This = document=20 maintains that Ireland shares an affinity with =93the economically = marginal former=20 Eastern Bloc states=94 (SF 2004: 14). In 2005, Sinn F=E9in produced = manifestos for=20 general and local government elections as well as an =91Equality = Document=92, which=20 albeit not a manifesto as such indicates an obvious commitment to = equality=20 nonetheless. However, this document is solely concerned with=20 Catholic/Nationalist disadvantage, not with minority ethnic communities = and=20 their concerns.

Of = note in the=20 party=92s general election manifesto is the call for the adoption of an=20 all-Ireland Citizen Traveller Campaign (SF 2005a: 6). It does not = articulate=20 what such a provision would include, although it recognises Travellers = as an=20 =93indigenous minority community=94 (SF 2005a: 43). A section on = equality demands=20 that the =93Single Equality Act is harmonised and provides the fullest=20 anti-discrimination protection for all citizens and sectors in = society=94 (SF=20 2005a: 16) and that a =93Bill of Rights be brought forward now and its = powers must=20 be enforceable=94 (SF 2005a: 20). The 2005 local government election = manifesto=20 advocates =93challenging racism=94 and =93tackling discrimination within = Councils and=20 across society=94 (SF 2005b: 2). To this end, SF will work for =93all = Local=20 Councils, Councillors and Officers to sign up to an anti-racist = charter=94 and for=20 =93penalties to be imposed upon any Councillor or official who engages = in racist=20 or sectarian behaviour or uses racist or sectarian language=94 (SF = 2005b: 9). In=20 this respect, Sinn F=E9in draws clear parallels between racism and = sectarianism.=20 Furthermore, it calls specifically for the following: =93the speedy = implementation=20 of the recommendations of the Promoting Social Inclusion Working Group = on=20 Travellers; a Good Practice Guide to be developed and implemented for = all=20 Traveller service providers, including local councils; Local Councils to = fund=20 initiatives to encourage participation from ethnic minorities in the = political=20 process and there should be council representation on ethnic community = support=20 group=94 (SF 2005b: 9). It contends that =93too many councils are still = ignoring=20 their responsibilities to citizens from ethnic minority backgrounds and = failing=20 to properly address issues such as intimidation, discrimination in = employment,=20 education and inadequate health provisions=94 (SF 2005b: 31). As part of = this=20 work, in March 2005, Sinn F=E9in hosted a delegation of ethnic minority = community=20 activists from Ireland at the European Parliament in Brussels. The party = claimed=20 that Belfast, Lurgan and Omagh Councils =93have led the way in reaching = out to and=20 working with members of minority ethnic communities on a range of = issues=94 (SF=20 2005b: 31).

The 2007=20 Assembly election manifesto confirms SF=92s commitment to workers=92 = rights=20 including the launch of a =93multilingual public education campaign on = workers=92=20 rights and employers=92 responsibilities and actively encourage[s] trade = union=20 recognition, membership and representation=94 (SF 2007: 8). In order to = build a=20 more equal economy, it warns of the =93social and economic consequences = of=20 discrimination on the grounds of race/ethnicity=94 (SF 2007: 26). The = party=20 promises to work to =93respect, protect and promote the rights of = Travellers to=20 adequate and appropriate housing and ensure genuine engagement and = consultation=20 on a basis of equality between the Housing Executive, local authorities, = Travellers and the settled community=94 (SF 2007: 34). Moreover, it = promises to=20 =93confront sectarianism, racism and bigotry wherever they arise and to = promote=20 instead tolerance, inclusivity and a pluralist society in which = difference is=20 celebrated and diversity is encouraged=94 (SF 2007: 41). Finally, under = a section=20 addressing =91Equality for the New Communities=92, it highlights the new = cultural=20 diversification =93which has huge potential to change our national = dynamic for the=20 better=94 (SF 2007: 46). To this end, it will work to =93promote and = fund=20 anti-racism programmes=94 and =93ensure that racist attacks are = confronted and=20 eradicated=94 (SF 2007: 47).

The Ulster=20 Unionist Party (UUP)

The UUP=92s 1994=20 European election manifesto makes reference to educational, social, and = cultural=20 contacts being made between Northern Ireland and the rest of Europe (UUP = 1994:=20 6), but is silent on issues such as racism, equality and = interculturalism. The=20 party=92s 1996 Forum manifesto alludes to the flourishing of =93cultural = diversity=94=20 (UUP 1996: 1) and claims an awareness that the =93treatment of = minorities requires=20 detailed study and debate=94 (UUP 1996: 2). It also states its = commitment to the=20 safeguarding of individual and group rights (UUP 1996: 2). The 1997 = general=20 election manifesto maintains the importance of a =93genuinely plural, = liberal=20 democratic state capable of accommodating social, cultural and religious = diversity=94 and again refers to minority rights (UUP 1997a: 1-2). When = addressing=20 fair employment, the UUP stakes its commitment to equality of = opportunity=20 =93irrespective of race, gender or creed=94 (UUP 1997a: 2). Sections are = included on=20 women and the disabled, though no section deals directly with minority = ethnic=20 communities - albeit a section on human rights takes an international=20 perspective. The importance of tolerance is expressed in the 1998 = Assembly=20 manifesto, within a section dealing with religion (UUP 1998: 4). The = fair=20 employment principles from the 1997 manifesto are repeated thus: =93in = trying to=20 achieve fairness and equality, it is essential that the highest value is = placed=20 on equality of opportunity irrespective of race, gender, creed or = disability=94=20 (UUP 1998: 6).

It = is worth=20 noting that the 1997 local government, the 1999 European, and the 2001 = local=20 government election manifestos contain no reference to minority ethnic=20 communities. The first reference towards minority ethnic communities = comes in=20 the 2001 Westminster election manifesto: =93we have a wonderful = diversity of=20 culture, diversifying further with the contribution to our society of = our ethnic=20 minority communities=94 (UUP 2001a: 13). This language carries through = to the 2003=20 manifesto: =93Northern Ireland must become a tolerant, pluralist society = welcoming=20 to all and inclusive to all. We stand for [a] multicultural, = multi-ethnic=20 society in which everyone plays a part=94 (UUP 2003: 9). An Ulster = Unionist=20 Charter is included at the end of the 2003 manifesto which stipulates = that=20 =93Ulster Unionists will work for the social and economic betterment of = all our=20 citizens regardless of class, gender, colour, race, nationality or = religion=94=20 (UUP 2003: 10).

In = 2004, the UUP=20 European manifesto leads with its slogan =91Simply British=92, which has = exclusionary tones for some. Furthermore, a section entitled =91Governed = according=20 to our laws and customs=92 leads in with a discussion on international = terrorism=20 and international crime and then proceeds to mention asylum seekers and = migrants=20 (UUP 2004: 1). When interpreting language, the context is important. The = inference in this case seems to be that asylum seekers and migrants are=20 associated with terrorism and crime. The section closes by stating that: = =93The=20 UUP is a signatory to the European Charter against racism, cherishes = diversity=20 and supports a humane asylum policy in Northern Ireland. Unionists = comprehend=20 pluralism much more naturally than nationalists, who seek to make = everybody the=20 same. The free movement of peoples across borders is a reality with = which we=20 must come to terms=94 (UUP 2004: 1). Finally, in bold lettering to add = emphasis,=20 it states that =93controlled immigration can be beneficial but abuse of = the asylum=20 laws cannot be tolerated=94 (UUP 2004: 1). The language employed in this = manifesto=20 is not particularly embracing of diversity or tolerance and is couched = in rather=20 negative or cautious terminology with allusions to terrorism, crime, and = abuse=20 of the immigration system. Whilst it supports a =91humane asylum = policy=92, it does=20 not condemn the practice of imprisoning asylum seekers in detention = centres and=20 prisons in Northern Ireland and Scotland.

The importance=20 of context in interpreting language again comes to the fore in the 2005 = general=20 election manifesto. In a section dealing with law and order, the UUP=20 demonstrates its commitment to protecting =93you and your family from = crime=94 (UUP=20 2005: 9) and proceeds to cite =91illegal immigration=92 in a list of = priority areas=20 in order to reduce crime. The inference here is that crime and (illegal) = immigration are two sides of the same coin. However, the manifesto = concludes by=20 stating that =91=94Ulster Unionists support a Northern Ireland = anti-racism strategy=20 to promote the British values of tolerance and inclusion=94 (UUP 2005: = 10), and=20 notes that these values are threatened by racism and bigotry. The = party=92s=20 2007 Assembly election manifesto contains sections on women, = older=20 people, and the disabled - but none specifically on minority ethnic = communities.=20 In a section on =91A Shared Community=92 though, the UUP states its = commitment to =93a=20 culturally diverse Northern Ireland in which the rights of all are = secured=94 (UUP=20 2007: 27). Also, equal citizenship is held up as a goal =93irrespective = of class,=20 gender, religious belief, political opinion, sexual orientation, colour = or race=94=20 (ibid). The UUP calls for a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland as well = as=20 =93effective implementation of the Racial Equality Strategy for Northern = Ireland=94=20 (UUP 2007: 27). Finally, the UUP recognises the diverse cultural and = linguistic=20 heritage of Northern Ireland (UUP 2007: 28). Indeed, to underline this = last=20 point, the UUP=92s 2007 election manifesto was condensed and translated = into=20 several languages on the party=92s website.

The Social=20 Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)

A = section in the=20 SDLP=92s 1994 European election manifesto is dedicated to equality and = refers to=20 =93equal rights for women=94 (SDLP 1994: 7), although it does not = mention minority=20 ethnic communities. Again, no reference is made to minority ethnic = communities=20 in the 1996 Forum election manifesto. However, the 1997 Westminster = election=20 manifesto contains a section on equality and partnership which advocates = =93recognition of people=92s rights regardless of wealth, ability, = gender, age,=20 faith, sexual orientation or race=94 (SDLP 1997: 11). Under another = section=20 entitled =91Race Relations=92, the SDLP proclaims that =93we believe the = ethnic=20 minorities in our society are entitled to protection from discrimination = and=20 measures to guarantee equality of opportunity in terms of jobs, = accommodation,=20 education and health care in line with international obligations=94 = (SDLP 1997:=20 14). Furthermore, the SDLP welcomes the then new and long overdue Race = Relations=20 legislation and =93the fact that it specifically protects Travellers; we = believe=20 that nomadic lifestyle is a fundamental freedom to be vigorously = defended=94 (SDLP=20 1997: 14). The party then specifies in some detail what it is = campaigning for in=20 terms of minority ethnic communities:

Proper funding to ensure the effective implementation of = the New Race=20 Relations legislation; a radical rethink on site-provision for = Travellers to=20 ensure that all families have their right to basic amenities guaranteed; = A=20 government commitment to adding an ethnic grouping question to the next = census=20 form for the North in order to make an accurate assessment of the needs = of the=20 various minority ethnic communities; the introduction into Northern = Irish law of=20 the offences dealing with racial violence and harassment contained in = the=20 British version of the Criminal Justice and Public Order legislation; = The=20 provision of adequate resources to meet the needs of minority ethnic=20 communities, particularly in the fields of health, education and social=20 services; the lifting of the government=92s veto on the establishment of = a=20 European Union Centre to monitor racism (SDLP 1997: 14).

This inclusion=20 amounts to one of the most comprehensive and elaborate manifesto = references to=20 minority ethnic communities in Northern Ireland. The 1997 manifesto also = notes=20 the =93=91double disadvantage=92 suffered by, for example, people from = ethnic minority=20 communities who have disabilities=94 (SDLP 1997: 14). Finally, it = acknowledges=20 that cultural policy must acknowledge the importance of tradition and = heritage=20 to ensure that diversity is recognised and its expression encouraged = (SDLP 1997:=20 19).

The party=92s 1998=20 Assembly election manifesto acknowledges human rights and equality as = major=20 issues. Moving beyond partisan politics, it recognises that =93within = and cutting=20 across the two main communities are other groupings - those defined by=20 deprivation and unemployment and by gender, race, age or disability=94 = (SDLP 1998:=20 8). The 1998 manifesto reiterates its detailed commitments relating to = minority=20 ethnic communities and racism (SDLP 1998: 10). It concludes by = displaying=20 predictive foresight when discussing the new Europe and the impact of = migration=20 on Northern Ireland: =93it must be able to deal with the ethnic tensions = which=20 might arise as a consequence of labour mobility=94 (SDLP 1998: 11). This = point is=20 developed in the 1999 European election manifesto, which notes that EU=20 enlargement will =93pose major challenges to a region like ours = on the=20 western periphery of the Union. Our voice must be heard as these changes = evolve=94=20 (SDLP 1999: 2) - although it does not specify what these = =91challenges=92 are -=20 migration, structural funds, Common Agricultural Policy? Equality though = is a=20 recurrent theme and is mentioned in the context of active integration = policies=20 for ethnic minorities (SDLP 1999: 6). The manifesto states that = particular=20 attention must be given to young people who are denied equality of = opportunity=20 =93because of poverty, unemployment or ethnic identity=94 (SDLP 1999: = 7).=20 Furthermore, access to political structures must be open to all = regardless of=20 gender, disability, religion and ethnic background (SDLP 1999: = 7).

The 2001 general=20 election manifesto maintains that, under the SDLP=92s Finance Minister, = the party=20 has initiated a Senior Civil Service Review to address = under-representation of=20 certain groups in society including women, Catholics and minority ethnic = groups=20 (SDLP 2001: 5). A section on equality declares the SDLP=92s commitment = to =93the=20 creation of a pluralist democracy that respects and cherishes all = traditions and=20 cultures=94 (SDLP 2001: 13). The party pledges to =93tackle = discrimination; to build=20 a fairer society we must actively target social need, giving extra = support to=20 those who need it most=94 (SDLP 2001: 13). It points out that =93the = SDLP negotiated=20 to have an =91equality duty=92 included in the agreement; this means = that all=20 government policies must now be checked to see if they would negatively = affect=20 particular groups in society such as women or people with = disabilities=94 (SDLP=20 2001: 13). However, it neglects to mention minority ethnic communities = in this=20 instance. The SDLP=92s commitment to equality though is reflected in its = support=20 of the Single Equality Bill, which will extend protection from racial=20 discrimination. The SDLP advocates funding =93to support ethnic minority = voluntary=20 groups=94 as well as =93for pilot traveller accommodation=94 (SDLP 2001: = 13). As well=20 as supporting Travellers, the SDLP calls for =93fair treatment of asylum = seekers=94=20 (SDLP 2001: 18). However, as yet, it does not specifically mention the=20 imprisonment of asylum seekers in detention centres and = prisons.

The SDLP=92s 2003=20 Assembly manifesto outlines its commitment to =91tackling racism=92 = (SDLP 2003: 6)=20 and to developing =93a rights awareness programme for migrant workers=94 = (SDLP 2003:=20 11). It also promises to increase North/South cooperation on immigration = (SDLP=20 2003: 25). Moreover, the SDLP proposes the creation of a new Equality = Tribunal=20 to hear all discrimination complaints and vigorously opposes proposals = to put=20 Equality and Justice into the one department =96 =93the SDLP will not = give equality=20 to the securocrats=94 (SDLP 2003: 27). The delivery of the Race Equality = Strategy=20 is cited as crucial, as well as =93proper accommodation for travellers = in line=20 with the recent needs assessment=94 (SDLP 2003: 28). It champions the = funding of=20 groups involved in equality consultation and the full development of = Section 75=20 of the Northern Ireland Act. The SDLP makes a link between hate crime = and=20 sectarianism which should be fought in a multi-pronged attack (SDLP = 2003: 30).=20 It articulates the unfair treatment of asylum seekers when it calls for = =93an end=20 to the use of prison accommodation for those awaiting hearing=94 (SDLP = 2003: 33).=20 Finally, the 2003 manifesto calls for the UK to sign up to the UN = Convention on=20 the Rights of Migrant Workers and maintains that the SDLP will promote = trades=20 union membership for all migrant workers (SDLP 2003: 33).

The SDLP=92s 2004=20 European election manifesto addresses the latest round of EU enlargement = - we=20 have a =93practical and moral interest in supporting our new fellow = citizens=20 today=94 (SDLP 2004: 4). Whilst acknowledging the practical challenge to = society,=20 it cautions against =93community tensions arising in areas attracting = migrant=20 workers=94 (SDLP 2004: 4). Furthermore, =93evidence shows that migrant = workers make=20 a net contribution to the economy as we see clearly in our health = service. While=20 others may fan the flames of racism, the SDLP will stand firm for = equality and=20 diversity=94 (SDLP 2004: 4). This manifesto repeatedly affirms the = SDLP=92s=20 commitment to equality and its stance against all forms of = discrimination=20 including race, ethnic or social origin and membership of a national = minority=20 (2004: 14). The 2005 general election manifesto calls for =93all-Ireland = action on=20 tackling racism=94 as well as =93the development of common effective = incitement to=20 hatred laws, North and South=94 (SDLP 2005: 7).

On = issues=20 relating to migrant workers, the 2005 election manifesto states its = intention to=20 =93deliver an integrated cross-departmental strategy to review and = address the=20 range of needs of migrant workers and their families, raising awareness = of their=20 entitlements, and helping them to access social welfare, education, = health and=20 other services. We will also campaign for the UK government to sign the = UN=20 Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers=94 (SDLP 2005: 14-15). In = order to=20 protect migrant workers=92 rights, it promotes =93union membership for = all migrant=20 workers=94 (SDLP 2005: 39). On staffing in the NHS, it warns that the = =93short term=20 solution of overseas recruitment is inadequate, uneconomical and unfair = to=20 developing countries trying to build up their own services=94 (SDLP = 2005: 26).=20 Maintaining that equality and human rights are not just political = slogans, it=20 outlines proactive measures for party representatives, notably = =93training for=20 party representatives against all forms of intolerance, including racism = and=20 homophobia=94 (SDLP 2005: 30). Additionally, the SDLP commits to = ensuring =93proper=20 accommodation for travellers in line with their established needs=94 and = to =93fund=20 groups involved in equality consultations and ensure the full = development of=20 section 75 of the Northern Ireland Act=94 (SDLP 2005: 30). The party = welcomes=20 improvements in how the police handle hate crime (SDLP 2005: 37) and = calls for=20 the fair treatment of asylum seekers, including an end to the use of = prison=20 detention for those awaiting hearings (SDLP 2005: 39).

The SDLP=92s 2007=20 Assembly manifesto supports the end to exporting asylum seekers to = Scotland=20 (SDLP 2007: 5). The party points also to the necessity of an effectively = implemented schools=92 policy, to support the development of ethnic = minority=20 children=92s English as an additional language, so that all = reach=20 their full potential (SDLP 2007: 18). Part of the SDLP=92s goals is to = protect=20 workers and in this respect it calls for a =93cross departmental = strategy to=20 augment protection and awareness of the rights of Migrant Workers, as = outlined=20 by the Human Rights Commission in the recent =91Migrant Workers Advice = Guide=92=94=20 (SDLP 2007: 21). On issues relating to justice, law and order, the SDLP = welcomes=20 the unprecedented numbers of minority ethnic communities applying to = join the=20 PSNI and it demands an =93overarching hate crime strategy for the = criminal justice=20 system=94 (SDLP 2007: 23). The manifesto outlines the party=92s = commitment to=20 =93continue training for party representatives against all forms of = intolerance,=20 including racism=94 (SDLP 2007: 43). Under the new Anti-Poverty = strategy, it calls=20 for =93quality, accessible pre-school care for traveller children=94 = (SDLP 2007: 43)=20 and it commits to =93invest in education for Travellers so that in the = medium term=20 all travellers=92 educational needs can be sensitively met in the = integrated=20 system=94 (SDLP 2007: 43).

The Alliance=20 Party (ALL)

= &= nbsp; &n= bsp; &nb= sp; =20

The Alliance=20 Party=92s 1996 Forum election manifesto calls for a settlement to be = constructed=20 which =93recognises the diversity of our society, respects all of our = traditions=94=20 (Alliance 1996: 6), and also makes reference to any settlement being = subject to=20 the =93consent of the minority=94. However, these comments refer to=20 Unionist/Nationalist respect and recognition and do not explicitly refer = to=20 minority ethnic communities. The party=92s 1997 general election = manifesto=20 reiterates many of these principles, including a call for the = establishment of a=20 Bill of Rights (Alliance 1997a: 5). The Alliance Party claims that = education is=20 fundamental in developing tolerance, respect and mutual understanding = (Alliance=20 1997a: 8). Under a section dealing with the economy, the party outlines = its=20 commitment to =93ensuring equality of opportunity regardless of = religion, gender,=20 disability or age=94 (Alliance 1997a: 10), but again no specific mention = is made=20 of minority ethnic communities. The 1997 general election manifesto = targets=20 specific sections of society namely women, children, young people and = the=20 disabled (Alliance 1997a: 15-16). Once again no mention is made here of = minority=20 ethnic communities. Under a section dealing with Community Relations, = though,=20 the Alliance Party identifies several priority areas including = =93building a=20 single but diverse community with a pluralist ethos=94 (Alliance 1997a: = 17).=20 Finally, the 1997 manifesto welcomes the introduction of Race Relations=20 legislation to Northern Ireland: =93Alliance has consistently supported = effective=20 legislation to ensure equality of opportunity and to counter = discrimination on=20 grounds of religion, political belief, gender, race, disability and = age=94=20 (Alliance 1997a: 17). Thus discrimination is the context in which = minority=20 ethnic communities are mentioned by the Alliance Party. The local = government=20 elections were held at the same time. Whilst most other parties do not = produce a=20 separate manifesto, the Alliance Party did so and outlined that the role = of=20 councillors was: =93To work hard to ensure that no discrimination of any = kind =96 on=20 grounds of religion, politics, gender, disability or race =96 occurs in = District=20 Councils on which they serve=94 (Alliance 1997b: 4).

The party=92s 1998=20 Assembly election manifesto begins with a statement on equality and the = party=92s=20 support for a =93liberal, pluralist and democratic society=94 (Alliance = 1998: 2), at=20 the same time outlining a commitment to human rights. Discrimination is = once=20 again held up as a key principle underscoring the work of Alliance which = moves=20 beyond the =91two community=92 approach: =93Discrimination is often seen = only in terms=20 of Catholics and Protestants, Unionists and Nationalists but = discrimination on=20 grounds of disability, race, gender, age, marital status and sexual = orientation=20 is just as widespread=94 (Alliance 1998: 2). The 1999 European election = manifesto=20 points to the contribution of the EU project towards human rights and=20 multiculturalism (Alliance 1999: 2). Furthermore, it highlights the role = in the=20 European Parliament of the European Liberal Democratic and Reform (ELDR) = party=20 grouping, to which Alliance is affiliated. The ELDR grouping has = campaigned for=20 human and civil rights, and against racism (Alliance 1999: 6). The 1999=20 manifesto document highlights too the rights of minorities to enjoy=20 appropriate representation and expresses support for the Framework=20 Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Alliance 1999: 7). = Alliance also welcomes the EU=92s commitment to develop a =93common = immigration=20 policy, without which the freedom of movement of people within the Union = will=20 remain a pipe-dream=94 (Alliance 1999: 7).

The 2001 local=20 government election manifesto contains a section on community = relations -=20 which must be =93united yet diverse=94, as well as a section on equality = intended to=20 commit local district councils not to =93discriminate or erect barriers = to persons=20 from any section of the community=94 (Alliance, 2001a: 9). The 2001 = Westminster=20 election manifesto outlines several problems in society including an = increase in=20 =93racist and homophobic attacks=94 (Alliance 2001b: 6). Alliance calls = for the=20 immediate extension to Northern Ireland of the racially motivated = offences=92=20 provision contained within the Crime and Disorder Act (1998), in order = to=20 provide stiffer sentences for those convicted of crimes when a racist = motive=20 could be proven. A section on human rights advocates the incorporation = into UK=20 domestic law of international and European conventions such as the = International=20 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination = (Alliance,=20 2001b: 8). Once more a section on equality is provided which states the = need for=20 =93building a tolerant and inclusive society where diversity is = celebrated=94=20 (Alliance, 2001b: 18), and reiterates Alliance=92s commitment to = fighting=20 discrimination. It advocates the establishment of an Equality Act that = can deal=20 with all types of discrimination based on =93gender, ethnicity, = religious=20 background, age or sexual orientation=94 (Alliance 2001: 19). The party = also=20 points to the importance of enlargement of the EU to include the = emerging=20 democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Alliance 2001b: = 25).

Alliance=92s 2003 Assembly = election manifesto=20 declares the party=92s opposition to sectarianism, racism and other = forms of=20 arbitrary division (Alliance 2003: 3). In order to build a united = community,=20 Alliance pledges to =93ensure that the interests and needs of persons = belonging to=20 ethnic minorities are included in the broader framework of community = relations=94=20 (Alliance, 2003: 8). Part of this process involves proactive steps to = attract=20 persons from ethnic minorities into the police service (Alliance 2003: = 13).=20 Alliance outlines its commitment to establishing an integration policy = for=20 asylum seekers in Northern Ireland, thus abolishing the practice of = placing such=20 persons in detention (Alliance 2003: 14). On cultural matters, Alliance = supports=20 the appreciation and promotion of Cantonese, Irish and Ulster-Scots. = Moreover,=20 =93Alliance recognises the linguistic diversity within our community, = and believes=20 all ethnic minority languages practiced in Northern Ireland deserve as = much=20 protection as indigenous languages=94 (Alliance 2003: 24). The party=92s = 2005=20 general election manifesto states that =93it is to Northern Ireland=92s = shame that=20 we have the highest rate of racist attacks in the UK. Alliance welcomes = the=20 growing diversity in Northern Ireland, and recognises that our new = citizens are=20 valuable members of our community=94 (Alliance 2005: 2). It notes the = increase in=20 sectarianism, racism and segregation on the ground (Alliance 2005: 3).=20 Furthermore, under a section on equality, the party renews its = commitment to=20 address unfair discrimination and pledges to:

[C]elebrate the economic and cultural benefits that come to = Northern=20 Ireland from a more diverse population; ensure that the interests and = needs of=20 persons belonging to ethnic minorities are included in the broader = framework of=20 community relations; place emphasis on the needs of speakers of ethnic = minority=20 languages within language policy as such persons are at greatest = disadvantage in=20 accessing crucial services; and work with the police to ensure that new = =91Hate=20 Crime=92 laws are enforced effectively (Alliance 2005: 8).

Alliance also demands the = extension of the=20 Football Offences Act (1991) to deal with racist chanting at local = sports=20 grounds. In light of the Eastern enlargement of the EU, the party calls = on=20 member states to comply with requirements under the Single Market, which = includes the freedom of movement of persons (Alliance 2005: = 24-25).=20

In = many=20 respects, the 2007 Assembly election manifesto contains many previous=20 commitments and provisions though it would =93seek to ensure that all = migrant=20 workers and immigrants have full access to public services, and = employment=20 rights=94 (Alliance 2007: 10). Furthermore, it would support = =93the creation=20 of a Comprehensive Languages Act, based around public bodies producing = language=20 schemes to address the needs of those individuals with whom they deal=94 = (Alliance 2007: 9). It points out that Northern Ireland now has = the most=20 comprehensive set of =91Hate Crime=92 laws in the UK, creating stiffer = sentences for=20 racist attacks. Of course racist attitudes remain prevalent, and there = is a=20 deeply ingrained pattern of segregation (Alliance 2007: 7), that = manifests=20 itself in racist flags (Alliance 2007: 8). However a growing number of = new=20 immigrants are coming to Northern Ireland to work, a development which = the party=20 maintains is an encouraging sign of a globalising economy (Alliance = 2007: 7).=20 Alliance therefore supports the full implementation of the Racial = Equality=20 Strategy and the integration of immigrants into Northern Ireland society = (Alliance 2007: 10).

Progressive=20 Unionist Party (PUP)

The Progressive=20 Unionist Party has been forthright in its opposition to racially = motivated=20 violence. Its electoral support is found principally in working-class = Protestant=20 areas in Belfast. These areas have also witnessed a high number of = attacks on=20 members of minority ethnic communities (Rolston 2004: 4; Lentin and = McVeigh=20 2006: 153; McVeigh and Rolston 2007). In 1996 the PUP=92s Forum election = manifesto=20 demanded respect for the rights of all =93regardless of religious, = cultural,=20 national or political inclinations=94 (PUP 1996: 1). The party has = repeatedly=20 called also for =93respect for diversity=94 (PUP 1996: 3; PUP 1997: 1; = PUP 1998:=20 2). Moreover, the PUP expressed its commitment to a Bill of Rights = for=20 Northern Ireland which would protect individuals as well as = =91minorities=92 (PUP=20 1996: 2), although it is not clear what type of numerically inferior and = non-dominant group(s) this refers to. In the 1997 general election = manifesto,=20 the PUP claimed that =91mutuality=92 (PUP 1997: 1) was the key to a just = and=20 equitable society and that each individual had the right to be treated = equally=20 regardless of, amongst other attributes, race or colour. The 1997 = manifesto=20 welcomed the Revised Order on the Draft Race Relations (Northern = Ireland) Order=20 1997 and noted that Northern Ireland was the only region in the UK which = had=20 been lacking legislation covering race.

A = section on=20 human rights is included in the PUP=92s 1998 Assembly manifesto, = highlighting the=20 party=92s commitment to working for the establishment of a =93just, = equitable and=20 pluralist society=94 (PUP 1998: 2). Furthermore, it reiterates party = support for=20 the rights of each individual regardless of race or colour. Whilst the=20 under-representation of women is acknowledged (PUP 1998: 2), no mention = is made=20 of minority ethnic communities in this context. The 1998 manifesto also = outlines=20 the party=92s determination to see a health service free to all peoples = regardless=20 of class, colour, or creed (PUP 1998: 4). The 2001 general election = manifesto=20 contains no reference to minority ethnic communities aside from a banner = maintaining that the PUP is =93dedicated to an anti-sectarian, pluralist = and=20 equitable society=94 (PUP 2001: 1). The leader of the PUP, David Ervine, = opens the=20 2003 Assembly manifesto by stating that =93it is my conviction that = diverse=20 identities will become a positive feature of a truly multicultural = Northern=20 Ireland=94 (PUP 2003: 2). Again, a section on human rights is included, = which=20 advocates =93the development of pro-active initiatives that lead to more = representative participation of women and ethnic minorities in public = and=20 private institutions=94 (PUP 2003: 4).

With Ervine=92s=20 death in January 2007, Dawn Purvis succeeded him as party leader and the = PUP=20 maintained its policy approach to human rights and respecting diversity. = Thus,=20 in the 2007 Assembly election manifesto, there is a section on race as = well as=20 one on human rights and equality. The former contends that racism is a = growing=20 problem for the more diverse Northern Ireland and sees education as the = key to=20 tackling racism. Also, according to the party, this situation is being = exploited=20 by those =93willing to scare monger and cause racial tensions=94. The = PUP makes its=20 position clear here: =93Racism is unacceptable in all its shapes and = forms, we=20 along with all reasonable people will combat it at all levels=94 (PUP = 2007: 5),=20 and the party offers backing to community initiatives that foster good=20 relations. The section on human rights and equality reiterates the = party=92s=20 support for a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, as well as calling = for the=20 development of proactive initiatives to achieve more representative=20 participation of women and ethnic minorities in public and private=20 institutions.

Conclusion

As = the analysis=20 explains, in the 1994-2007 period, the manifestos of all six of the = political=20 parties examined above have taken on board issues and matters of concern = to=20 minority ethnic communities. Initially, in this respect, in the = elections during=20 the early years of this period, there is little specific forthcoming on = minority=20 ethnic matters. Indeed, arguably, there are instances of missed = manifesto=20 opportunities where parties might have exploited themes and discourse = more=20 pointedly, notably when alluding to =91cultural diversity=92 or to = =91vulnerable=20 sections of society=92.

Thereafter, some=20 parties (Alliance, SDLP) specifically make a point in their manifestos = of=20 welcoming the introduction of the race relations=92 legislation in 1997. = Again,=20 several parties call for tougher sentences on hate crimes or =91zero = tolerance of=20 racism=92 (DUP 2005). Both of the Irish nationalist parties (SDLP, SF) = call for=20 better treatment for asylum seekers. First, the SDLP moves from a = general=20 position of =91fair treatment for asylum seekers=92 (2001) to more = engaged demands=20 for non-detention (2005) and non-exporting (for detention) to Scotland = (2007) of=20 asylum seekers. Also, SF (2001) is critical of the detention of asylum = seekers=20 and (2003) wants them to have access to legal aid. Again, the two Irish=20 nationalist parties include support for Travellers in their manifesto=20 discourses. For example, the SDLP (1997) welcomes the inclusion of = Travellers as=20 an ethnic group within the remit of the Race Relations (NI) Order and SF = (2001)=20 focuses on Traveller accommodation and (2003) the mainstreaming of = education/=20 training provision. The DUP (2001) too - warning against tokenism - = calls for=20 mainstreaming of government priorities, as regards =93real and = meaningful=20 equality for women and ethnic minorities=94.

Interestingly,=20 several manifestos from different parties see a definitely proactive = role for=20 elected representatives and political parties to play in tackling = racism. For=20 instance, the SDLP (2005, 2007) calls for anti-racist training for party = representatives and wants access to political structures regardless of = gender,=20 religion or ethnic identity. The DUP (2005) envisages a role for = politicians in=20 eliminating =91the scourge of racism=92 whilst Alliance (1997) sees the = role of=20 district councillors as to =91work hard=92 to ensure that no = discrimination takes=20 place on grounds of race inter alia. In turn, SF (2005) wants = local=20 councillors to provide initiatives for enhancing minority ethnic = participation=20 and calls for penalties for councillors who use racist or sectarian = language.=20 The party is keen to link sectarianism and racism as bigotry that needs=20 confronting. Indeed, as already illustrated above (SF 1994 notably), the = party=20 tends to see racism against the nationalist community as leading = to=20 discrimination and disadvantage. In a recent paper, McVeigh and Rolston = (2007)=20 also focus on the nexus between racism and sectarianism, whilst also = questioning=20 the capacity of the state to address problems here.

The type of election and manifesto matters. For example, as = we have=20 seen, local government elections enable calls for local councillors to = get=20 involved in anti-racism and minority ethnic causes. Also, European = election=20 manifestos have tended to focus on migration, with Unionist parties in=20 particular having certain reservations here. For instance, from a = Euro-sceptic=20 stance, the DUP (1994) has warned against =91benefit tourists=92 abusing = the welfare=20 state and taking jobs. In not dissimilar vein, the Ulster Unionist Party = (2004)=20 (albeit in favour of a humane asylum policy) warns against the abuse of = asylum=20 legislation and against uncontrolled immigration as a source of crime = and=20 terrorism. In contrast, the SDLP (2004) has put the emphasis on the = positive net=20 contribution of migrants and (2005) defended their rights to trade union = membership. SF too (2004) has used European electioneering as an = occasion to=20 support migrant workers=92 rights or (1999) to promote an EU-wide = campaign against=20 racism. Uniquely, also, there is declared support for =91the Muslim = community=92=20 from SF (2003).

The references to racism and migration increase = incrementally along=20 with the actual size of the manifestos and the passage of time. To some = extent,=20 there is a consensus across political parties on minority ethnic issues = and the=20 need to tackle racism. The references to equality, human rights and the=20 accommodation of diversity also increase with every manifesto for all = political=20 parties. Certainly, some parties have embraced the language of equality = more=20 readily than others; yet every political party manifesto refers to these = values.=20 Although, the manifesto analysis shows also that there have been some = Democratic=20 Unionist Party reservations about what it sees as the bureaucratic and = costly=20 nature of equality proofing. Some parties have tended to take the = initiative in=20 introducing measures for women=92s social and political equality; these = same=20 parties have also tended to be somewhat more responsive to the concerns = of=20 ethnic minorities. From about 2004, the condemnation of racism in = Northern=20 Ireland becomes especially more prominent, coinciding with the = significant=20 increase in migrant workers and attacks on them. However, racism is not = new in=20 Northern Ireland, but has been subject to denialism, under-reporting and = neglect, leading it to be referred to as the =91hidden troubles=92 or = =91hidden truth=92=20 (Connolly and Keenan, 2001). For instance, Travellers and the = settled=20 Chinese community have been subjected to racism for many years yet, = until quite=20 recently, political parties were not been so forthcoming in = addressing=20 the problem in their manifestos and discourses. As Mann-Kler has argued=20 persuasively, it was only really with the 1994 ceasefires =93that = matters=20 concerned with ethnic minorities have been deliberated in the wider = public arena=20 in Northern Ireland=94 (1997: 5). Thus racism should not be seen as the = =91new=92 hate=20 crime, latterly replacing sectarianism in an era of post-1994, post-Good = Friday=20 Agreement harmony. There is evidence and argument to suggest that racism = pre-dated the mid-1990s in Northern Ireland (CAJ 1992; Connolly and = Keenan 2001;=20 Hainsworth 1998; Mann-Kler 1997) despite its absences from political = party=20 manifestos, and also that segregation and sectarianism have not simply = gone away=20 (Lentin and McVeigh 2006; McVeigh and Rolston 2007; Shirlow and Murtagh=20 2006).

Northern Ireland=20 has witnessed a significant demographic change in recent years due to = inward=20 migration, particularly from Central and Eastern European states which = joined=20 the EU in 2004 (Animate 2006; Bell et al 2004; Jarman 2006; = Jarman and=20 Byrne 2007). Many of these communities have faced racism in different = guises=20 including institutional racism, blatant racism in the form of attacks, = and more=20 covert racism. It is in the interests of political parties to appeal to = these=20 new voters, whose voting weight could well have an impact in areas with=20 delicately balanced voting blocks. After all, political parties are in = the=20 business of attaining the highest number of votes possible. Employing=20 anti-racist discourse or language relating to migrant worker rights is = likely to=20 resonate with minority ethnic voters and these new voters, respectively, = and is=20 a legitimate practice. However, political parties must ensure that they=20 endeavour to deliver what they say they will in their manifestos. = Significantly,=20 a 2006 study by the Electoral Commission found that people from minority = ethnic=20 communities in Northern Ireland believed that =93political parties were = generally=20 not interested in their vote=94 (Electoral Commission, 2006: 3). It is = up to=20 political parties to address this perception through targeted and = substantive=20 policies and initiatives that meet the needs and interests of minority = ethnic=20 communities.

Moreover,=20 without a strong commitment from state structures, racism and its = various=20 manifestations will continue unabated. In this respect, as already = pointed out,=20 the Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) has = produced=20 two documents of note. The Race Equality Strategy for Northern Ireland = 2005-2010=20 (OFMDFM 2005a) outlines the challenge of racism and racist inequalities = and the=20 situation of minority ethnic communities in Northern Ireland, and = specifies how=20 OFMDFM will implement the strategy. The strategy has six aims: the = elimination=20 of racial inequality; equal protection; equality of service provision; = increased=20 participation; promotion of dialogue; and building capacity in minority = ethnic=20 communities. Also, the Shared Future document (OFMDFM 2005b) addresses = the=20 policy and strategic framework for good relations in Northern Ireland. = This=20 document views minority ethnic communities through the prism of bipolar=20 community structures and addresses =91good relations=92 rather than = specifying=20 pragmatic ways to deal with racism in Northern Ireland.

Political=20 parties and leaders have expressed some willingness to work together in = order to=20 address racism and to implement the Race Equality Strategy. Moreover, = the first=20 public event in the new, restored devolved Assembly in 2007 was a = reception for=20 minority ethnic groups and migrant workers. Also, the First Minister (Dr = Ian=20 Paisley, DUP) and the Deputy First Minister (Martin McGuinness, SF) = issued a=20 joint statement when welcoming the Chinese Consul General to Northern = Ireland:=20 =93It is important tonight to celebrate our rich cultural diversity, = highlight the=20 importance of ethnic communities and demonstrate our zero tolerance of = racism=94=20 (OFMDFM 2007). Again, one of the first debates in the new Assembly=20 focused on racism and minority ethnic communities, in the context of = ensuring that =93the second Implementation Action Plan of the Racial = Equality=20 Strategy fully and rigorously addresses issues of racial equality for = minority=20 ethnic communities in Northern Ireland=94 (Northern Ireland Assembly = 2007: 1). The=20 above motion was moved by Alliance=92s Anna Lo, ex-Director of the = Chinese Welfare=20 Association (CWA) and, throughout the debate, there was strong = cross-party=20 support for minority ethnic communities and plaudits for the = contributions of=20 migrant workers to society and the economy. At the same time, there were = reservations expressed about the belatedness and limited scope of the = Racial=20 Equality Strategy. Lo, for example, referred to the first action plan as = =93a mere=20 mapping exercise by departments to list their existing initiatives=94 = and called=20 for actions that were more outcome-focused and less process-orientated = (Northern=20 Ireland Assembly 2007: 2-3). To some extent, this echoed the findings of = Watt=20 and McGaughey, who concluded that public authorities had provided = examples of=20 interesting initiatives and approaches in their provision of public = services for=20 ethnic and immigrant communities in Northern Ireland, but they =93have = to become=20 more mainstreamed to begin to have a real impact on outcomes=94 (2006: = 78).=20 Elsewhere too, there have been strong doubts expressed about the = capacity and=20 willingness of the state to address racism via =91a state-driven =91good = relations=92=20 agenda=92: =93It is difficult to judge how much of this process of = mainstreaming=20 anti-racism was a cynical state-led attempt to blunt the equality agenda = by=20 broadening it, and how much was a genuine response to equality and human = rights=20 constituencies=94 (Lentin and McVeigh 2006: 150-151; see also Hadden = et al=20 2007).

In = conclusion,=20 it is most likely therefore that political party manifesto discourse = will=20 continue to incorporate minority ethnic concerns in the future. Indeed, = as=20 inward migration continues and Northern Ireland becomes more culturally = diverse,=20 there is likelihood that political parties will become more and more = attuned to=20 accommodating and embracing societal/demographic changes, minority = issues and=20 best practices. At the same time, there will be critical attention upon = the=20 extent to which minority concerns are mainstreamed and resourced = effectively and=20 to what degree manifesto commitments and broader strategies are=20 implemented.

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